Ugur ungor biography sampler

That's the question that this collection addresses, gathering a stellar roster of contributors to offer a range of perspectives from different disciplines to attempt to understand the pervasiveness of genocidal violence. Challenging outdated beliefs and conventions that continue to influence our understanding, Genocide constitutes a major contribution to the scholarship on mass violence.

This book highlights how the Young Turk regime, from tosubjected Eastern Turkey to va It examines how the regime utilized technologies of social engineering such as genocide, deportation, spatial planning, forced assimilation, and memory politics, to increase ethnic and cultural homogeneity within the nation state. Drawing on secret files and unexamined records, the author demonstrates that concerns of state security, ethnocultural identity, and national purity drove these policies.

The eastern provinces, the heartland of Armenian and Kurdish life, became an epicenter of Young Turk population policies and the theater of unprecedented levels of mass violence.

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This ugur ungor biography sampler is the first major study of the mass sequestration of Armenian property by the Young Tu It details the emergence of Turkish economic nationalism, offers insight into the economic ramifications of the genocidal process, and describes how the plunder was organized on the ground. The interrelated nature of property confiscation initiated by the Young Turk regime and its cooperating local elites offers new insights into the functions and beneficiaries of state-sanctioned robbery.

Drawing on secret files and unexamined records, the authors demonstrate that while Armenians suffered systematic plunder and destruction, ordinary Turks were assigned a range of property for their progress. This Dutch-language book is a short synthesis of the Armenian genocide. It provides a brief It provides a brief overview of the genocidal process, using both secondary literature and primary documentation.

It also discusses how issues of recognition and denial are related to collective memories of national identities. Shabbiha: Paramilitary groups, mass violence and social polarization in Homs. Within a year, the Syrian uprising in March developed into a civil war that gradually escala The Syrian civil war split the country into four factions that were continuously at war with each other with intermittent, unstable ceasefires: the Assad regime, the various rebel groups, the Kurds, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria ISIS.

The Assad regime was responsible for the bulk of the violence against civilians, qualitatively and quantitatively. Its violent crackdown on the mass protests in Syria became more extensive and intensive throughout the first years of the conflict. The Organization of Paramilitarism. How is paramilitary violence organized? Many studies of violent conflicts have demonstrated the c Many studies of violent conflicts have demonstrated the central role of paramilitaries in the perpetration of violence against civilians.

The organization of the violence is a crucial analytical category to be examined. Mass violence is often carried out according to clear divisions of labor: between the civil and military wings of the state, but also crucially between military and paramilitary groups. This chapter examines how states spawn and deploy paramilitary units. It does so by approaching paramilitarism from the perspective of the parastate: the complex interaction between security agencies, political parties, and communities that constitute the sociological infrastructure behind paramilitarism.

The chapter analyzes how otherwise neutral and technocratic institutions, organizations, and agencies have collaborated in creating or condoning paramilitary forces. The chapter also discusses the violence that paramilitaries have committed, th This article addresses population politics in the broader Young Turk erawhich inclu The article opens with an account of the genesis of the concept 'social engineering' and provides a synopsis of the literature in the field of Young Turk population politics.

It then focuses on the implementation of these nationalist population politics in the eastern provinces to exemplify these policies in detail. The article aims to clarify that the Armenian genocide cannot be understood in isolation from broader Young Turk population politics and argues that a generation of traumatized Young Turk politicians launched and perpetuated this violent project of societal transformation in order to secure the existence of a Turkish nation-state.

I had I had prepared a presentation on the use of videos of and by Syrian perpetrators, a topic I have been working on for the past seven years. As I was waiting for my panel, a Syrian friend living in Paris called me, asking to meet urgently.

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We did so right before my panel. The 6-minute v ideo shows Syrian intelligence agents in military fatigues taking out blindfolded and bound civilians from a white van, marching them to a large, pre-dug pit, lined with car tires at the bottom, and executing them one by one by shooting them with AK automatic rifles. The perpetrators carry out the executions in routine fashion, speaking only to bark orders at the victims 'get up', 'get out', 'walk ahead'.

One agent is filming, while the other is shooting. The killers are not particularly emotional, but judging from their gleeful facial expressions, they are clearly enjoying the job. At some point, the cameraman turns his smartphone around and smiles into the camera: 'This one is for you, boss! In addition, watching the clip while attending a conference on video testimonies of mass violence was darkly coincidental.

Many questions can and must be asked about this footage. Why did the perpetrators create this footage? What meanings did they attach to the filming?

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Did the filming affect the violence inflicted in any way, and if so, how? What is this footage's provenance? And how should researchers and scholars approach this type of footage? These a nd other questions are important beacons in the new intellectual landscape studying videos and perpetration and should therefore guide future research on the topic.

Since the turn of the millennium, the rise and widespread availability of digital technology has had a profound impact on contemporary. Response to Christian Gudehus. C hristian Gudehus has written a thoughtful and constructive response to the establishment of the He addresses several important issues relating to conceptualization, legitimization, and academic positionality.

We would like to take this opportunity to respond to some of the points that he raises. First and foremost, Gudehus writes: 'The authors define perpetrator, victim and bystander as subject positions. But how is such a position defined? Or to put it differently, how does a researcher know when an individual should be labelled a perpetrator?

There cannot be a single, amoralnon-normative position on this question, and as editors we do not subscribe to a single, clearly circumscribed definition. For some, definitions are praxiological, for others they are ideological, and in our editorial, we laid out a set of parameters to approach perpetration. Definitional diversity and a plurality of approaches only serves to enrich the field of violence studies, and JPR aspires to offer a platform for exactly such ugur ungor biographies sampler.

Another point Gudehus makes is that to him, 'collective violence' is an analytically more useful term than 'political violence'. As an example of non-political collective violence, Gudehus cites 'slave hunting', which, he writes, 'led to the destruction of entire communities' but 'was mainly economically motivated'. This presupposes a strict separation of politics and economics which appears questionable to us, especially in the context of slavery.

And moreover, it appears to restrict the definition of political violence to violence that is politically motivated. We would question this restriction and in fact posit that the forms of violence that fall under the purview of perpetrator studies do so because they have political implications. It might be possible to find examples of non-political collective violence rioting at a football game, perhaps?

At the same time, JPR is not interested only in collective violence, but also in acts of political violence carried out by individuals. Assassins of political figures, 'lone wolf' terrorists, or violent actors in race riots all commit forms of political violence, and need to be considered. Gudehus rightly argues that understanding the behaviour of the targeted group 'victims' and the untargeted groups 'bystanders' is important for understanding the process of perpetration.

This epilogue highlights some of the main issues examined in this special issue. Article Talk. Read Edit View history. Tools Tools. Download as PDF Printable version. In other projects.

Ugur ungor biography sampler: This is the first major

Wikidata item. Dutch—Turkish historian, sociologist, and professor born Biography [ edit ]. Studies and career [ edit ]. Works [ edit ]. Articles [ edit ]. Essays [ edit ]. References [ edit ]. The Armenian Mirror-Spectator.